Government Disinformation—Or Fraud?
In recent years the UFO field has been flooded with purported
“official” documents, allegedly “leaked” by persons unknown within
the American Intelligence Community. These documents have been very
difficult to confirm or repudiate. The reason? When U.S. Government
agencies have been queried, they have either been unwilling to
answer inquiries or have not known what they were supposed to do
under Federal Law established for just such inquiries.
In June 1987, the UFO research community tried very hard to confirm
or repudiate what has become known as the “MJ-12 Briefing Document.”
(See doc. 4-1.) This document is allegedly a briefing paper that was
prepared on November 18, 1952, by Admiral Roscoe H. Hillenkoetter
for presentation to then-President-Elect Dwight D. Eisenhower. The
document is said to be classified as Top Secret, and it dealt with
American recovery operations of crashed UFOs. Every effort to
validate this document by the UFO Community has been unsuccessful.
The FBI became aware of the document on September 15, 1988, when a
Special Agent of the Air Force, Office of Special Investigations (OSI),
gave a copy of it to an FBI agent in Dallas, Texas. (See doc. 4-2.)
The FBI agent requested that the Bureau “discern if the document is
It is interesting to note that in response to this request, FBI
Headquarters answered, in a cable dated December 2, 1988: (See docs.
4-3, 4-4, and 4-5.)
The Office of Special Investigations, U.S. Air Force, advised on
November 30, 1988, that the document was fabricated. Copies of that
document have been distributed to various parts of the United
States. The document is completely bogus.
The document having been declared bogus, one might believe that the
FBI would have no further interest in it. However, in a letter dated
November 15, 1991, FBI Headquarters informed the U.S. Air Force,
Office of Special Investigations: (See doc. 4-6.)
It is noted that although this document may represent some type of
hoax, it is our responsibility to insure that all incidents
involving the mishandling of classified data receive adequate
investigative attention. Therefore, we request that your agency
attempt to ascertain the originator and/or the current
classification of the enclosed document.
To date, no one has been charged with any involvement of wrongdoing;
that is, fabrication or hoaxing this document. Moreover, in the
military it is illegal to falsify a document and pass it as a
In 1983, an alleged “Secret” document surfaced. This document dealt
with the alleged photo-imagery interpretation of the film evidence
taken by Paul Bennewitz during the Kirkland Air Force Base
sightings of August 1980 (see Chapter Two). In this case the Air
Force Intelligence Service and the Air Force Office of Special
Investigations did exactly what they were suppose to do in such
The U.S. Air Force believed the document was a hoax from the every
first time they received it, because of the following reasons:
- There never has been an
office within AFSAC (or 7602nd) with the symbol INS, INSR,
- There has never been a “Capt Grace” (or anyone with the
surname Grace) assigned to AFSAC.
- The purported imagery interpretation that was done is
outside AFSAC’s and AFOSI’s mission. Further, AFSAC has no
who are photo interpreters.
- The term WNINTEL is spelled phonetically on each
occurrence. OSI should certainly be familiar with the
correct spelling. Further,
the document is replete with grammatical errors, typing
errors, and in general makes no sense.
- The document is not in the standard, accepted format for
We can see from the above that the Air
Force clearly thought the document was a hoax. However, until a
determination was made as to the status of the document, the Air
Force considered it to be classified Secret. This was correct
procedure in accordance with existing regulations and an Executive
I, too, felt that the document was a hoax. However, I still have
questions about some of the information appearing in the document.
The document mentioned a “Project Aquarius,” and that this project
was classified Top Secret. Also, the document mentioned this project
was under the control of NASA. I later heard that the correct term
should have been NSA and that it was changed to read NASA for some
In a letter dated April 15, 1986, to an UFO researcher, the National
Security Agency (NSA) finally admitted to the existence of a Project
Aquarius and stated that it was classified Top Secret. (See doc.
4-7.) The NSA has never stated what the mission of Project Aquarius
How could the perpetrator (s) of the hoaxed document that surfaced
in 1983 have known of the existence of a Top Secret project named
Aquarius under the NSA when that information was not made public
until April 15, 1986? As a matter of fact, the NSA even considered
the project’s name sensitive. Therefore, it would appear that either
the perpetrator was damned good at guessing or had inside
The next document to be examined is known, within the UFO Community,
as the “Snowbird Document.” (See doc. 4-8.) It came to the attention
of UFO researchers in 1985. I felt certain that the agencies I wrote
to, requesting their assessment of the document, would expose the
document within weeks as a hoax. However, my efforts to get to the
truth of this document almost forced my retirement from the U.S.
Army and led the NSA to consider my request for congressional
assistance as a matter of “National Security Policy.”
A copy of the Snowbird Document came into my possession in April
1985. Believing it to be just another fake, I filed it away. In June
1985, I started to hear stories concerning an alleged underground
“alien” base in
the area of Dulce, New Mexico. One of these stories
dealt with an alleged recovered alien aircraft that crashed during a
test flight by the U.S. Government. This raised my interest and I
began to look at the Snowbird Document in a new light.
I spent over 700 hours checking the document very carefully, to
insure that it conformed to existing Department of Defense (DOD)
Directives and Regulations for a classified document. To my
amazement, it did. Furthermore, the document seemed to make sense as
written. However, this did not make it the valid document of some
American governmental agency. I needed more proof before I could
accept the document as genuine.
Knowing that Senator Pete Domenici‘s office had been involved with
the alleged crash of the alien aircraft, I decided to call his
office and ask what information they had on the alleged incident. I
contacted the Senator’s Washington office on February 6,1986, and
talked to a Mr. Paul Gilrnan there. I was informed that the only
involvement the Senator’s office had with the case was to inform the
individual who contacted the Senator’s office what government agency
he should notify concerning the alleged crash. I then asked Mr.
Gilman if he had any knowledge of an alleged Top Secret document
dealing with a
Project Snowbird. He stated that he believed the
individual who had earlier contacted the Senator had sent such a
document. However, all the information sent by that individual had
been returned to him. Also, Gilman appeared to want to cut our
My brief conversation with Paul Gilman still did not convince me
that the document was genuine. After all, the Senator’s office
apparently had taken no action regarding the alleged incident.
My next step was to write to every government agency that I felt
might have knowledge of, or an interest in, the document. At least I
felt these agencies would do the same thing the Air Force did with
the 1983 document: either confirm the document as genuine or expose
it as a hoax. While these agencies did not confirm the Snowbird
Document as genuine, they did not deny or expose it as a hoax. (See
docs. 4-9, 4-10, 4-11, 4-12, 4-13, 4-14, and 4-15.)
On November 6, 1986, I decided to write Senator Domenici’s office
for assistance in once and for all getting an answer to whether or
not the Snowbird Document was genuine. In a letter dated February
10, 1987, the Senator sent, in reply to my letter, the response his
office received from the National Security Agency.
The NSA replied,
in part: (See doc. 4-16.)
… his [my] letter asks for NSA
analysis of the document he attached. It appears to be an Air
Force document. The project names which are referenced, Sigma
and Snowbird, are not NSA projects. We have no knowledge of the
information contained in the document.
The NSA’s response to the Senator
shocked me. I felt that the NSA should have realized the document
appeared to be a Top Secret document, and that if it was in fact
genuine, someone had a security leak since the document does not
appear to have been released under the Freedom of Information Act.
Furthermore, Executive Order 12356 and DOD Directives and
Regulations were apparently not being followed.
Executive Order 12356, Part 1, Section
1.2, paragraph e, states:
When an employee, contractor,
licensee, or grantee of an agency that does not have original
classification authority originates information believed by that
person to require classification, the information shall be
protected in a manner consistent with this Order and its
The information shall be transmitted
promptly as provided under this Order or its implementing
directives to the agency that has appropriate subject matter
interest and classification authority with respect to this
information. That agency shall decide within thirty (30) days
whether to classify this information. If it is not clear which
agency has classification responsibility for this information,
it shall be sent to the Director of the Information Security
The Director shall determine the agency having
primary subject matter interest and forward the information,
with appropriate recommendations, to that agency for a
So, under the above-cited Executive
Order, if the NSA could not determine whether the document was
genuine, they should have sent it to the Director of the Information
Security Oversight Office for a determination. It would appear,
however, that the NSA had failed to do this.
On April 8,1987,1 delivered to Senator Domenici’s Roswell (New
Mexico) office another letter, once again requesting his assistance
in getting to the bottom of this document. However, this time the
NSA phoned the Senator’s office and stated that my letter dealt with
“National Security Policy” as written and that they would like me to
rewrite my letter. I informed the Senator’s office that I would be
more than happy to rewrite the letter just as soon as the NSA
informed me, in writing, what they wanted me to take out. I never
got a response or any acknowledgment from either the Senator’s
office or the NSA.
On June 21, 1987, an article was run in the Roswell Daily Record
concerning my contacts with Senator Domenici’s office over the
Snowbird Document. This article was the result of efforts from my
executive officer and adjutant to force my retirement from the U.S.
Army after twenty years’ service. For the next twelve months, my
life was to become a living hell. But that’s another story and,
hopefully, another book.
I called Senator Domenici’s office on August 5, 1987, and asked for
the status of my April 8 letter. I was informed by a Mr. Marco Caceras that the NSA really did not want response to my letter.
However, Mr. Caceras stated that he would check into the matter. In
a letter from the Senator’s office dated August 24, 1987 (see docs.
4-17 and 4-18), I received a copy of the interim response from the NSA.
According to that response, the NSA had only received my letter
on August 5, 1987. On October 9, Senator Domenici’s office sent me a
copy of the response they had received from the NSA. In the NSA’s
response, that agency refused to answer any of my questions
concerning the validity of the Snowbird Document.
On January 4, 1988, once again I wrote the Senator’s office
requesting his assistance in getting someone to either confirm as
genuine, or repudiate as a hoax, the Snowbird Document. To date, I
have not received a response from either the Senator’s office or the
NSA. On January 17, 1989,1 called Senator Domenici’s office for the
last time concerning my January 4 letter. I was informed that the
NSA was not going to respond to my letter because my request
involved “a matter of National Security Policy.”
If classified information is “leaked” to the public, it becomes
“compromised.” When this happens, the following action is to be
taken, as outlined in AR 380-5, paragraph 2-210a:
a. The original classifying
authority, upon learning that a loss or possible compromise of
specific classified information has occurred, shall prepare a
written damage assessment and:
1. Reevaluate the information involved and determine whether
its classification should be continued without change;
specific information, or parts thereof, should be modified to
minimize or nullify the effects of the reported compromise and
the classification retained;
(c) declassification, downgrading,
or upgrading is warranted;
(d) counter-measures are
appropriate and feasible to negate or minimize the effect of the
2. Give prompt notice to all holders of such information when
the determination is within categories (b), (c), or (d) of
subparagraph 1, above.
In addition, paragraph 2-207b of AR 380-5 states:
.. .If mere knowledge of the existence of the item of equipment
or object would compromise or nullify its national security
advantage, its existence would warrant classification.
Could it be that the U.S. Government is
test-flying recovered “alien” aircraft?
If not, why not simply tell
me that the Snowbird Document is a hoax and put an end to my
Why does the NSA consider my letters to Senator
Domenici’s office a matter of “National Security Policy”?
remember, validation of the Snowbird Document by the U.S. Government
would be an admission that we have recovered “alien” aircraft!
Could it be that the Snowbird document is genuine and that the
government does not wish to acknowledge it as such due to the
National Security reasons stated above?
Is it possible that the
document is disinformation by some government agency?
The answers to those questions can only be provided by the U.S.
Government. The agencies of the government to which I have written
continue to remain noncommittal.
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UFOs and Other Government Agencies
Prior to 1974, very little information concerning UFOs had come out
of the Intelligence Community, other than comments by the Air Force.
For the most part, the Intelligence Community was denying any
knowledge of UFO activity. However, with the passing of the “Freedom
of Information Act” by Congress in 1974, it was soon learned that
other government agencies were more involved than they wished the
public to know.
On July 16, 1978, I wrote the NSA requesting any information they
might have on UFOs. I did not receive a response to this first
letter, so I wrote them again on February 21, 1979. Finally the NSA
responded to my requests under a cover letter dated January 10,
1980. (See doc. 5-1.)
The NSA denied me the release of all their records concerning UFOs,
with the exception of two documents; the agency stated that the
information was classified in the interests of National Security and
to avoid unwarranted invasion of personal privacy. However, they did
forward other records they were holding to the agencies that
originated them, for these agencies’ review and release to me.
addition, the NSA wanted me to understand that the two documents
they did release to me were not,
“NSA reports per se, and they in no
way reflect an official NSA position concerning UFOs.”
The first NSA document was entitled “UFO Hypothesis and Survival
Questions.” (See doc. 5-2.) Its purpose was, as stated, to,
briefly some of the human survival implications suggested by the
various principal hypothesis concerning the nature of the phenomena
loosely categorized as UFO.”
Under the Extra-Terrestrial Hypothesis, the report had this to say:
If “they” discover you, it is an old
but hardly invalid rule of thumb, “they” are your technological
superiors. Human history has shown us time and again the tragic
results of a confrontation between a technologically superior
civilization and a technologically inferior people. The
“inferior” is usually subject to physical conquest.
The report gave some excellent examples
of how an inferior people might survive and maintain their identity.
- full and honest acceptance of
the nature of the inferiorities separating you from the
advantages of the other people
- (2) complete national solidarity in
all positions taken in dealing with the other culture
- (3) highly controlled and limited
intercourse with the other side—doing only those actions
advantageous to the foreigner which you are absolutely forced to
do by circumstances
- (4) a correct but friendly attitude
toward the other people
- (5) a national eagerness to learn
everything possible about the other culture—its technological
and cultural strengths and weaknesses. This often involves
sending selected groups and individuals to the other’s country
to become one of his kind, or even to help him in his wars
against other adversaries
- (6) adopting as many of the
advantages of the opposing people as you can, and doing it as
fast as possible—while still protecting your own identity by
molding each new knowledge increment into your own cultural
While the NSA states this is not a
official report, it is clear that the writer, an NSA employee,
thought the question of survival was an important issue to be
addressed seriously in any study of UFOs.
The title of the second document released to me by the NSA is still
classified as at least Secret in the interest of National
Security—with the exception of the term “UFOs.” (See doc. 5-3.) This
document deals with the human response to an event of high
strangeness such as the sighting of an UFO. The document stated, in
Whether the person’s psychological
structure is being assaulted by the unusual and shocking
brutality of a murder or the strangeness of an UFO sighting, the
effect is the same.
The document goes on to list those
It is interesting to note that the writer of this document listed in
an appendix what he called “Other Examples of Blindness to Surprise
Material Causing Defeat.” It would appear that the author of this
document not only believed in UFOs, but felt that the matter should
be taken seriously.
It seems that some government agency was interested in what type of
unclassified information the Defense Technical Information Center (DTIC)
had on UFOs in the mid to late 1970s. A government employee
requested a bibliography report on “Unidentified Flying Saucers”
from the DTIC sometime in the late ’70s. (See doc. 5-4.) We have no
way of knowing the exact date, as the report is undated.
interesting to note that the report considered such subject titles
as “An Approach to Understanding Psychotronics” and “A Case of ‘Autostasis’
or Reverse Autokinesis” as having something to do with UFOs.
The Central Intelligence Agency is the next governmental agency that
I wish to discuss.
However, before we begin, let me state that,
according to the CIA, its only official involvement in the
government UFO investigations was via a Scientific Advisory
the Robertson Committee—which met at the direction of
the CIA in January 1953. (I also want the reader to know that given
the Agency’s well-known past history of deception, I have never
trusted the CIA to tell the truth about anything.) (See doc. 5-5.)
A CIA document dated January 29, 1976, talks about the physical
effect of magnetic fields on astronauts, the possible propulsion
system of UFOs, and even recovered fragments of a possible UFO in
Brazil. The document, which is greatly censored in the interest of
National Security, states: (See doc. 5-6.)
U.S. scientists believe that low magnetic fields do not have a
serious effect on astronauts, but high magnetic fields, oscillating
magnetic fields, and electromagnetic fields can or do have
considerable effect. There is a theory that such fields are closely
associated with superconductivity at very low temperatures, such as
in space. This in turn is related to the possible propulsion system
of UFOs. There is a rumor that fragments of a possible UFO found in
Brazil bore a relationship to superconductors and
A series of documents that surfaced from the CIA dating from April
through July 1976 deals with a’ so-called “UFO Study.” (See docs.
5-7, 5-8, 5-9, 5-10, 5-11, 5-12, 5-13, 5-14, and 5-15.) This study
apparently was compiled by an individual outside the CIA.
Nevertheless, the documents clearly indicate that high-ranking
scientists, working within the CIA, had more than a passive interest
in this individual’s UFO research.
One of the documents had this to say, in
At the present time, there are
offices and personnel within the agency who are monitoring the
UFO phenomena, but again, this is not currently on an official
basis, Dr. [censored]… feels that the best approach would be
to keep in touch with and in fact develop reporting channels in
this area to keep the agency/community informed of any new
developments. In particular, any information which might
indicate a threat potential would be of interest, as would
specific indications of foreign developments or application of
UFO related research.
Another document in the series had this
At a recent meeting to evaluate some
material from [censored]… you mentioned a personal interest in
the UFO phenomena. As you may recall, I mentioned my own
interest in the subject as well as the fact that DCD had been
receiving UFO related material from many of our S&T sources who
are presently conducting related research. These scientists
include some who have been associated with the Agency for years
and whose credentials remove them from the “nut” variety.
These documents, released by the CIA,
give the impression that many of the scientific personnel employed
by the CIA are very concerned about the phenomena— and about the
government’s apparent lack of concern. One can deduce this by the
fact that these scientific personnel are doing “related research”
without official sanction.
Many of the related documents dealing with this UFO study, as well
as the study itself, have never been declassified and released to
the public. These papers and documents remain classified in the
interests of National Security.
Under a letter dated October 16, 1980, the State Department was kind
enough to release five documents to me, and then two other documents
a little less than a year later. (See docs. 5-16 and 5-17.) These
documents proved to be most interesting in that they discussed, for
the most part, an attempt by the Grenadian Delegation to the United
Nations to create a organization within the UN for the gathering and
exchanging of information on UFO investigations and sightings among
the member nations. The documents also showed that the United
States’ delegation, at the direction of the State Department, was
working very hard to insure that this resolution was never passed!
One document dated November 18, 1978, had this to say, among other
things: “Please provide instructions on U.S. position to be taken on
this matter as well as desired level of visibility. Last year
Grenada requested our support and Misoff had to scramble hard behind
the scenes to water down the resolution and, in effect, delay a vote
for one year. Another consideration is whether to issue a disclaimer
on statements made by U.S. Nationals on the Grenadian Delegation.”
(See docs. 5-18, 5-19, 5-20, 5-21,5-22, and 5-23.)
The United States was able to get the matter referred to the
Outerspace Committee, thereby avoiding a vote on the matter. As a
document dated December 2, 1978, states:
A draft decision (data-faxed) to be
taken by the Special Political Committee [SPC] has been agreed
upon by the participants in the informal negotiations, subject
to concurrence of their respective capitals. We think referral
of the matter to the Outer Space Committee [OSC] without a
preordained mandate as to what action is to be taken, provides
the flexibility the OSC needs to take whatever action it deems
appropriate. It will also obviate the need to vote on a
resolution (and gamble on the results).
I wonder what could have been the
reasoning behind the United States’ interest in blocking a vote?
Could it be the U.S. has something to fear or hide?
To be sure, there exist many other U.S. Government agencies—as well
as agencies of other countries—that maintain highly classified
records on the subject of UFOs. But why?
Are we citizens just too unsophisticated to handle the true facts as
to what is really going on?
Will ordinary Americans panic if they were told the truth about
unexplained flying objects that have been observed by the U.S.
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On July 2, 1947, something crashed or landed on a ranch about 7,5
miles northwest of Roswell, New Mexico. At first, the Army Air Force
stated to the media that they had recovered a flying disk. However,
within hours the military was to change its story and announce that
the object was nothing more than a weather balloon.
The testimonies of eyewitnesses, however, clearly indicate that
whatever the object was, it definitely was not a weather balloon. We
may never know for sure what the object truly was because the
military classified the entire incident and has never permitted the
files to be opened to the American public.
But this does not prove that the military established a recovery
program. So, the question remained “open,” for many years—because of
lack of proof—as to the existence of any type of formal UFO recovery
In 1977 and 1978, many UFO researchers requested that the U.S.
Government release whatever information it might have on a “Project
Moon Dust.” Most of the documents, released under the Freedom of
Information Act, dealt with alleged fallen space debris—mainly
fallen space debris belonging to the United States.
document from the Office of Air Force Intelligence raised more
questions than that agency was willing to answer. Also, this
document made it clear the neither Project Moon Dust nor “Operation
Blue Fly” (see below) dealt with the recovery of U.S. fallen space
debris. This project and operation dealt with the recovery of only
These were debris of descended foreign space vehicles and objects of
unknown origin. (See doc. 6-1.)
Later, in a 1973 document, the Department of State would require
their embassies to use the code word “Moon Dust” when making reports
of alleged fallen space debris of unknown origin. (See doc. 6-2.)
The document was released to me in April 1982.
On page 3 it reads:
“The designator ‘MOONDUST’ is used in cases involving the
examination of non-U.S. space objects or objects of unknown origin.”
As of March 1991, the State Department apparently has reclassified
this document as Secret. In the documents released to me that March
by the State Department, the 1973 document was identified as a
classified document and not releasable.
According to the U.S. Air Force document, Project Moon Dust is a
specialized aspect of the Air Force’s overall material exploitation
program to locate, recover, and deliver descended foreign space
vehicles. We shall see, later, that this was to include “objects of
This same document also made mention of “Operation Blue Fly.”
Operation Blue Fly was established to facilitate expeditious
delivery to the Foreign Technological Division (FTD) of Moon Dust
other items of great technical intelligence interest. The document
makes it clear that UFOs were to be considered for Blue Fly
Furthermore, the document states:
“These… peacetime projects all
involve a potential for employment of qualified field
intelligence personnel on a quick reaction basis to recover or
perform field exploitation of unidentified flying objects, or
known Soviet/Bloc aerospace vehicles, weapons systems, and/or
residual components of such equipment.”
Wanting to know more about
Blue Fly, I wrote to several agencies for whatever information they
might have on the subject. The responses I received were
interesting, to say the least. Many of the agencies stated that they
did not have any information responsive to my request—only to
reverse themselves, once documents were released to me by the State
Department. Other agencies stated they had information, but that it
was classified in the interests of national security and not
The question remained, however: Were any objects of unknown origin
ever recovered? If so, was either Project Moon Dust or Operation
Blue Fly involved?
The Department of State released 280 documents to me concerning
Project Moon Dust on March 12,1991. Once again, these documents
dealt primarily with the recovery of U.S. space objects and several
Soviet space objects. However, as a result of my request to the
State Department, they uncovered 38 documents belonging to other
agencies. These required the respective agencies’ approval prior to
their release. Some of the documents clearly showed that objects of
unknown origin were recovered.
In March 1968, the Government of Nepal recovered four objects
believed to have fallen from space. One of these was a
nose-cone-shaped object. The American Embassy was made aware of
these objects, and was requested to assist in the efforts of the
Nepalese Government in identifying the launching state so that these
objects could be returned to the country or countries that had
originally launched them into space.
The State Department documents dealing with this case were
classified at a low level. However, we find that the Defense
Intelligence Agency (DIA) documents were classified at the higher
level of at least Secret. (See docs. 6-3 and 6-4.)
Furthermore, the DIA did not wish to
give out any information on this case, A memorandum for record on
one of the DIA documents states:
M/R: Byref a, [censored]… advised
sequence [censored]… in obtaining MOON DUST specimens, advised
film of nose cone photographed by DATT on 19 July forwarded
unprocessed to DIACO-2B, and requested copies of prints of film
for [censored]… as well as guidance as to what DATT can tell
[censored]… as to identity of object photographed. By ref b,
[censored]… requested permission to retransmit ref a
By ref c, FTD requested FTD team [censored]…
see items in possession [censored]… or to courier these items
back to [censored]… and further requested [censored]… to
attempt to obtain results of [censored]… . By ref e,
[censored]… stresses need to protect our knowledge of [censored]…
this matter, and state we cannot approach [censored]… on any
of the objects which [censored]… had in their possession. MSG
above coordinated with DIACO-D in draft. (See docs. 6-5, 6-6,
6-7, and 6-8.)
If these objects were of American
origin, does it not stand to reason that NASA would have been more
involved than the DIA or the Air Force’s “FID team”?
As we can see from the above example, the documents released by the
DIA are heavily censored. Neither the Department of State nor the
DIA has ever informed the Government of Nepal what these objects
were. In fact, that bit of information remains classified in the
interests of national security to this very day, as do several other
What could be so sensitive about space junk that it must remain
protected after twenty-three years of classification? What is the
American Intelligence Community trying to hide in cases such as the
Another item of interest among the DIA documents was one dealing
with an alleged satellite recovered in Sudan on August 3, 1967.
According to this document:
A satellite, cube shaped, weighing approximately three tons
discovered 3 August, 50 miles from Kutum 1425N 2460E. Satellite
described as made of soft metal presumably light aluminium in oblong
cubes measuring two inches by one inch tightly fastened together and
covered by a silky material. Nationality not identified as no
inscriptions evident on outer surface. Local authorities in El
Fasher have photographs and with difficulty cut samples. (See docs.
6-9 and 6-10.)
Once again, the DIA would not or could not identify the nationality
of this object, for it too is classified in the interests of
national security. This case is over twenty-four years old.
The documents mentioned above were documents released by the DIA
after they were discovered within the Department of State files. The
DIA considers the documents within their own files— concerning
Project Moon Dust and Operation Blue Fly—to be a matter of national
security and not releasable. They remain classified, at least
Secret, to this very day.
It should be noted here that since my initial request to the State
Department for Moon Dust and Blue Fly information, the State
Department seems to have misplaced my request and has no record of
it. Therefore, other documents that required coordination between
agencies are bogged down in this frustrating lengthy process and, as
you have seen, are usually not released or even acknowledged.
In December 1989, I asked the U.S. Air Force for any information
they might have on
Project Moon Dust and Operation Blue Fly. Both
the offices of the Secretary of the Air Force and the Air Force
Intelligence Agency responded in January 1990 that they did not nave
any information responsive to my request. (See docs. 6-11 and 6-12.)
However, in a letter dated May 3,1990, the Air Force Intelligence
Agency confirmed they had two such documents. They also stated that
these documents were classified in the interests of national
security and not releasable.
I appealed the Air Force’s decision not to release these documents
on May 18, 1990. (See doc. 6-13.)
Then, in a letter from the Air
Force’s Litigation Division dated July 2, 1990, I was informed:
Because of the requirement of
conducting a classification review in your case, it will
necessarily take more time to complete the appeal review
process. (See doc. 6-14.)
Based on this letter from the Litigation
Division, I felt sure it would take the Air Force at least another
two months to respond to my appeal action. This, strangely enough,
was not to be the case.
The Air Force advised me, in a letter dated July 25,1990, that my
appeal had been denied because,
The information responsive to your
request that is being withheld is properly classified pursuant
to Executive Order and is exempt from disclosure under the
Freedom of Information Act, 5 U.S.C. 552(b) (1), and Air Force
Regulation 12-30, paragraph 10a. (See doc. 6-15.)
Although I did not know it at that time,
the Air Force would later upgrade the classification of these
documents, as well as others uncovered by the State Department, to
insure that they would not be released. As a matter of fact, it was
after the State Department had sent the documents that were in their
possession to the Air Force for review that my FOIA file at the
State Department came up missing.
To be sure, the U.S. Air Force
Intelligence Agency does not wish the general public to even know of
the existence of Project Moon Dust and Operation Blue Fly, as we
shall see later on in this chapter. Perhaps this book, along with
readers’ indignation, will create enough pressure so they are forced
to reveal whatever it is they are hiding.
On April 3, 1991, the Air Force received my letter from the State
Department along with the documents that department had that
belonged to the Air Force and required Air Force review prior to
release. The Air Force found it necessary to extend the time on this
request twice, in order to “search for, collect, and examine those
records responsive to my request.”
In the final analysis, the Air
Force had uncovered ten documents responsive to the items I had
requested. However, the Air Force was no longer calling this
information classified. They had, in fact, upgraded the
classification to insure that it would not become known to the
general public. (See docs. 6-16 and 6-17.)
In its response, dated June 5, 1991, the Air Force was to state:
We can neither confirm nor deny the
existence or nonexistence of records responsive to your
request…as any other response could reveal classified
information concerning military plans, weapons, or operations
under section 1.3(a)(1) of Executive Order 12356 “National
Security Information.” (See doc. 6-18.)
In other words, the U.S. Air Force was
now stating that the President of the United States had declared
this information so sensitive that the existence or nonexistence of
Project Moon Dust and Operation Blue Fly could be neither confirmed
nor denied. These documents, regardless of their classification,
were now protected under the Special Access Program.
Actually, the Air Force misquoted the wrong section of the Executive
Order. They quoted section 1.3(a) (1), which states:
“Information shall be considered for
classification if it concerns: (a) military plans, weapons, or
While this section would allow for the
admission that the information is classified and not releasable, it
does not allow for use of the neither-confirm-nor-deny
statement. The only section of Executive Order 12356 that allows the
use of that statement is section 3.4 (f) (1), which states:
agency shall refuse to confirm or deny the existence or nonexistence
of requested information whenever the fact of its existence or
nonexistence is itself classifiable under this Order.”
On June 10, 1991,1 appealed the Air Force’s decision in their letter
of June 5. The basis of my appeal was the existence of information,
already in the public domain, confirming the existence of both
Project Moon Dust and Operation Blue Fly. I felt this should
overrule their denial because confirmation had already been made.
Apparently this made sense to the Air Force, too.
After more than
two months of trying to decide just how to respond to my appeal
letter, the Air Force decided it did not have to respond because it
had already responded to my request in its July 25, 1990, response,
and told me so in a letter dated August 27, 1991:
“No further action
is required and this matter is considered closed.” (See doc. 6-19.)
This response is so laughable and absurd that it becomes an
embarrassment to the Air Force when considered with the following
FACT: The Air Force Intelligence
Agency did rightly consider this action separate from my FOIA
Request to them on the basis of the documentation forwarded to
them by the State Department, as required by Executive Order
12356, section 3.4(f)(2).
FACT: The Air Force Intelligence
Agency attempted to respond to the appeal action. However, the
Air Force’s Litigation Division would not accept any of their
responses. I was told by Major Heinz at the Litigation Office
that the Air Force Intelligence Agency’s response to me was
returned for correction after the Litigation’s review of that
FACT: Based upon the response of the
June 5, 1991, letter, the Air Force violated Executive Order
12356, section 3.4(f)(2), which states,
“When an agency receives
any request for documents in its custody that were classified by
another agency, it shall refer copies of the request and
requested documents to the originating agency for processing and
may, after consultation with the originating agency, inform the
requester of the referral. In cases in which the originating
agency determines in writing that a response under section
3.4(f)(1) is required, the referring agency shall respond to the
requester in accordance with that section.”
In short, the Air Force was not to
respond to me at all based on its decision to deny my request under
Executive Order 12356, section 3.4(f)(1).
The referring agency in
this case was the State Department, and the Air Force’s denial was
in fact Executive Order 12356, section 3.4(f)(1). Therefore, it
should have been the Department of State that responded and not the
I have discovered through various documents uncovered in my numerous
Freedom Of Information Act requests that prior to November 1961, the
United States Air Force was definitely involved in both Project Moon
Dust and Operation Blue Fly. Through reviewing a letter from Air
Force intelligence known as the Betz memo, I had learned that the
missions of Operation Blue Ply and Project Moon Dust involved a
potential for employment of qualified field intelligence personnel
on a quick reaction basis to recover or perform field exploitation
of unidentified flying objects or known Soviet/Bloc aerospace
vehicles, weapons systems, and/or residual components of such
If we have in fact, recovered space vehicles belonging to the
then-Soviet Government, we are required by law to return them to the
launching state. I do not believe we would violate that law.
However, the fact remains that the U.S. Government has recovered
what appears to be space vehicles, and even refuses to let the
countries in which the recoveries have taken place know what these
objects were or even the nationality of the objects.
Now, if we are to believe the Air Force letter to me of June 5, 1991
rebuffing my request for information, it would appear that Project
Moon Dust and Operation Blue Fly are considered so sensitive that,
by direction of the President of the United States, the U.S. Air
Force may neither confirm nor deny their existence or nonexistence.
What could be so sensitive about these programs that the President
of the United States wishes their cover-up? Has the U.S. Government
violated international law and are some members of the government
now trying to cover this up, or have we really recovered space
vehicles from some other planet that exists in some other solar
Only the censors know for sure. And, of course, the President of the
of Documents for Chapter 6)
Back to Contents
The U.S. Air Force’s Self-inflicted Wound
On September 8, 1994, the U.S. Air Force released a document
entitled “Report of Air Force Research Regarding the ‘Roswell
Incident.'” The document, according to the Air Force, is meant to
“serve as the final Air Force report related to the Roswell matter,
for the General Accounting Office, or any other inquiries.”
Actually the document is more of a whitewash than a cover-up. To be
sure, the Air Force fell victim to its own officially sanctioned
deception program concerning the “Roswell Incident,” put in place
more than fifty years ago. And, to be sure, the Air Force was
willing to sacrifice its Top Secret Project Mogul Program to conceal
the truth behind the events of the so-called Roswell Incident. (See
docs. 7-1 and 7-2.)
But, why issue such a report at all? The Air Force gave this
following justification for doing the report:
During the in-briefing process with
GAO, it was learned that this audit was, indeed, generated at
the specific request of Congressman Steven Schiff of New Mexico.
Earlier, Congressman Schiff had written to the Department of
Defense Legislative Liaison Office for information on the
“Roswell Incident” and had been advised that it was part of the
former UFO “Project Bluebook” that had previously been turned
over to NARA by the Air Force. Congressman Schiff subsequently
learned from NARA that, although they did, indeed, have the
“Bluebook” materials, the “Roswell Incident” was not part of
that report. Congressman Schiff, apparently perceiving that he
had been “stonewalled” by the DOD, then generated the request
for the aforementioned audit.
I have written to many members of
Congress requesting their assistance in getting the release of
information on this very subject. The Air Force, along with many
other agencies, was less than totally responsive to the requests the
various congressional offices made in my behalf. At times, the
governmental agencies would totally ignore the questions I posed.
Some examples of the foolish government responses I received are:
We have on record of receiving an
FOIA request for documents. (Why do I need an FOIA request when
I am asking for the release through a Congressional office?)
These missions have never existed. (In
this case, the Air Force was forced to reverse that statement when
confronted with the evidence of the existence of those missions.)
We cannot determine whether we were the “agency” referred to in the
15 November 1979 USAF letter. (Based on the information I had
provided, they certainly could have determined if they were the
agency—which, in fact, in this case they were, and they knew it.)
The Air Force, among other governmental agencies, has “stonewalled”
other members of Congress whenever those members have asked about
the same subject matter. In the case of Congressman Schiff, however,
he was able to see through this, got angry, and demanded straight
answers. Congressman Schiff continued to be “stonewalled,” this
time, by the DOD.
The Air Force Statement that,
“During the end briefing process with
GAO, it was learned that this audit was indeed generated at the
specific request of Congressman Schiff was an effort to punish
Congressman Schiff politically for asking an embarrassing question
on a subject the Air Force would like to see go away. That the Air
Force identified Schiff in their report was a deliberate effort on
their part to discredit and harm him politically for probing into
areas the Air Force preferred to keep out of the public’s eye.”
have always believed that far too many political leaders dodged hard
questions out of fear of this type of retribution. For this reason,
I believe Congressman Schiff should be commended for his efforts in
seeking out the truth.
In addition, I feel that it should be pointed out that Schiff did
not ask the Air Force for documents “proving” UFOs were something
extraterrestrial. All he was asking for was documents relating to
the Roswell Incident, in order to ascertain what exactly the object
recovered was! To be sure, Schiff’s requests to the Air Force and
DOD should not have even been considered to have anything to do with
the UFO phenomenon.
The Air Force report concluded that, once again, the object found
was “most likely” a balloon—this time, a Project Mogul balloon
train. To be precise, Flight #4 of the Project Mogul balloon trains.
Let’s look closely at what is wrong with this conclusion, based on
the known facts of the case. The Roswell legend begins with an
official news release on July 8,1947. That release reads as follows:
The many rumors regarding the flying
discs became a reality yesterday when the intelligence office of
the 509th Bomb Group of the Eighth Air Force, Roswell Army Air
Field, was fortunate enough to gain possession of a disc through
the cooperation of one of the local ranchers and the Sheriffs
office of Chaves County.
The object landed on a ranch near Roswell sometime last week.
Not having phone facilities, the rancher stored the disc until
such time as he was able to contact the Sheriffs office, who in
turn notified Major Jesse A. Marcel, of the 509th Bomb Group
The Air Force report admits that they
failed to “locate any documented evidence as to why that
statement… was made.”
The Air Force report further states:
seems that there was over-reaction by Colonel Blanchard and Major
Marcel, in originally reporting that a ‘flying disc’ had been
recovered when, at that time, nobody for sure knew what that term
meant since it had only been in use for a couple of weeks.”
Also, the report makes it clear that the descriptions given by most
of the witnesses, “actually described materials that sounded
suspiciously like wreckage from balloons.”
Furthermore, the report quoted the July 8, 1947, FBI document, which
stated in the Air Force report:
The disc is hexagonal in shape and
was suspended from a balloon was approximately twenty feet in
diameter… the object found resembles a high altitude weather
balloon with a radar reflector… disc and balloon being
All the above would seem to be
supportive of the Air Force’s report. However, if one looks at the
whole picture and not just at what the Air Force wishes to reflect
in its report, an entirely different conclusion emerges.
The Air Force report states:
…there was no physical difference
in the radar targets and the neoprene balloons (other than the
numbers and configuration) between Mogul balloons and normal
If this is the case, why would Colonel
Blanchard and Major Marcel be fooled by material that made up an
everyday weather balloon? Sure, in a Mogul balloon there might be
much more of this material than what goes into a normal weather
However, both Blanchard and Marcel were quite familiar with
weather balloon devices and surely would not have been fooled by the
material found, even if it appeared that there was much more of the
material than what would normally go into a normal weather balloon
device. What’s more, there were personnel stationed at Roswell Army
Air Field who could have readily identified the recovered object as
some type of balloon device, even if they were not aware of the
existence of Project Mogul.
They found something that, to them, was highly unusual and could not
be identified as any balloon device. They believed the material
recovered did, if fact, have something to do with the flying disc
phenomenon being reported at that time. For this reason, they
decided not to release any details concerning the recovered material
until after Air Force Intelligence had had a look at the material.
I would also suggest that the Air Force had already come up with a
definition of what an Unidentified Flying Object or Flying Disc was,
and that the definition went something like this: any airborne
object which by performance, aerodynamic characteristics, or unusual
features does not conform to any presently known aircraft or missile
type, or which cannot be positively identified as a familiar object.
While it is true that the witnesses have given descriptions that
seem to fit a weather or Mogul balloon device, these descriptions
are not what made the witnesses believe the material was mysterious.
It was the strange properties of the material: It could not be bent;
you could not put dents in it; it would not tear; it could not be
cut; and it would not burn. All of these characteristics are
uncharacteristic of any balloon device, Project Mogul or otherwise.
The Air Force report makes the point that even the FBI teletype of
July 8, 1947, stated:
“The object found resembles a high
altitude weather balloon with a radar reflector.” However, the
report omitted another key part of that teletype which states,
“But that telephonic conversation between their office [Eighth
Air Force Headquarters] and Wright Field HAD NOT BORNE OUT THIS
After the object was identified as a
balloon, why wasn’t the FBI officially notified, so that they could
close out the case in their records? Remember, according to the July
8 teletype, they too were left with the impression that the object
was something more than a balloon. We can see this confusion by
reviewing the language used in the teletype stating that the object
“resembles” a weather balloon and not definitively indicating that
it was a weather balloon.
Furthermore, the photographs that appeared in newspapers were not of
materials consistent with that of a Project Mogul balloon train. The
materials that appeared in the newspaper photographs were nothing
more than a weather balloon and a RAWIN target. In the Air Force
report, none other than Major Irving Newton (USAF, Ret.) states this
being the case.
Major Newton indicates in the Air Force report:
“What I know to be true, that is, the material I saw in General
Ramey’s office was the remains of a balloon and a RAWIN target.”
In short, the object in the photographs is a complete, torn-up
weather balloon with a RAWIN target device and not what one would
expect to see if the material was from a downed Project Mogul
balloon train or any other balloon device, being exposed to the
elements of weather, that had been in a New Mexico field for several
weeks, let alone several days.
Assuming that the object found was a Project Mogul balloon train,
why wasn’t Professor Moore’s group notified of this find at the
time, so that his group could have properly identified the object as
Mogul Balloon Flight #4? Remember, to this very day the official
records show Flight #4 as “unrecovered.”
With Project Mogul being,
at the time, an important and Top Secret project, why wasn’t this
action carried out? It was important to recover as many of the Mogul
balloons as possible in order to gather the data from them so as to
justify both the program’s existence and its high classification.
Something here doesn’t make sense.
The Air Force report takes into account several news stories that
appeared during the time of the alleged “Roswell Incident” to
support their conclusion that the object was actually a Mogul
These news stories are:
- the July 8, 1947, Roswell Daily
Record’s report, “RAAF Captures Flying Saucer on Ranch in Roswell
- the July 9, 1947, Roswell Daily Record’s stories entitled
“Ramey Empties Roswell Saucer” and “Harassed Rancher Who Located ‘Saucer’
Sorry He Told About It”
- an article published in the Alamogordo
Nexus, July 10, 1947, concerning multiple balloons and targets
In the July 8 article it is made clear that the object “landed on a
ranch near Roswell sometime last week.” This would seem to indicate
that the object was found by the rancher some time during the first
week of July 1947. However, in the July 9 article the rancher states
that he found the material on June 14 and picked some of it up on
July 4 to take to town. In the same July 9 edition of the Roswell
Daily Record, the story was dismissing the object as a weather
balloon and radar target device.
What the Air Force report doesn’t say is that the rancher was
escorted by military personnel to give the story that appeared in
the July 9 article. Also, the rancher stated in that article, “I am
sure what I found was not any weather observation balloon.” The
rancher was quite familiar with weather balloons, having found two
on the ranch prior to this event. Also, the description of the
object changed in this article to conform with a balloon that had
been exposed to the weather for some time.
The description given in
this article is not indicative of the balloon photographs that
appeared with the General Ramey article. Furthermore, changing the
date of the find from the first week of July to June 14, 1947, would
be important to support any belief that the object was a balloon—in
particular, Flight #4 of the Project Mogul balloon trains. Again,
something here doesn’t make sense.
The Air Force report has this to say about the Alamogordo News
article of July 10:
However, on July 10,1947, following
the Ramey press conference, the Alamogordo News published an
article with photographs demonstrating multiple balloons and
targets at the same location as the NYU group operated from at
Alamogordo AAF. Professor Moore expressed surprise at seeing
this, since his was the only balloon test group in the area. He
stated, “It appears that there was some type of umbrella cover
story to protect our work with Mogul.”
At the time this article was released,
Project Mogul was a Top Secret project.
Who released the story and
for what reason?
Why release such a story at the very location of a
Top Secret government project and run the risk of drawing attention
to that project?
Could it be that the story was released and the
Army Air Force was willing to compromise the Top Secret Mogul
project in order to create some type of umbrella cover story to
protect another event considered far more sensitive than Project
After the Ramey press conference, many of the daily newspapers were
not “buying” the balloon story. For this reason, I believe the Army
Air Force made a conscious decision to release a story on Project
Mogul so that the events in Roswell could be supported as simply a
balloon. I also believe that for this reason the Army Air Force
convinced the rancher to change the date of the discovery of the
object from the first week of July to June 14, thereby supporting
the story, even more, that the object was nothing more than Project
Mogul Flight #4.
By taking these actions the Army Air Force had put
in place an officially sanctioned deception program to confuse and
defuse any reporter who would have “gone after” the story, being
convinced that the object was not a balloon. Sadly, I believe the
Air Force fell victim to its own deception program with the release
of its report some fifty years ago.
The Air Force report could not overlook the fact that many people
came forth, permitting their names to be used and telling their
stories, which did not support the contention that the object was a
balloon of any type.
The Air Force report had this to say about
“Persons who have come forward and
provided their names and made claims may have, in good faith but
in the ‘fog of time,’ misinterpreted past events.”
However, the Air Force did not even
consider this a possibility when it came to their own witnesses
(those supportive of the conclusion that the object was a balloon).
To be sure, if one’s testimony supported the Air Force position,
one’s thinking was intact. However, if the witness’s testimony did
not support the Air Force conclusion, then that person’s thinking
was clouded by the “fog of time,” according to the Air Force report.
The Air Force, knowing that the testimony of several key witnesses
would more than likely not support the balloon conclusion, chose not
to question those individuals— individuals such as General Arthur Exon and Colonel
Thomas DuBose, to name a few.
While I firmly believe that the Air Force set out to prove the
“Roswell Incident” was merely a balloon, I cannot forget the
self-serving words of an army colonel. (In this case too, it was
important that a conclusion be drawn that supported the U.S.
Government’s position and not necessarily the right conclusion.)
Those convenient words were:
“Witnesses sometimes make
conflicting statements to different investigators. Honest men
can and may reach different conclusions based on identical
As for possible classified records, the
Air Force “reviewed appropriate classified records for any tie-in to
this matter [the Roswell Incident].” This is what the Air Force
report had to say about these records:
With regards to highly classified
records, it should be noted that any programs that employ
enhanced security measures or controls are known as a Special
Access Programs (SAPs). The authority for such programs comes
from Executive Order 12356 and flows from the Department of
Defense to the Services via DOD Directive 5205.7.
are implemented in the Air Force by Policy Directive 16-7, and
Air Force Instruction 16-701. These directives contain detailed
requirements for controlling and reporting, in very strict
manner, all SAPs. This includes a report from the Secretary of
the Air Force to the Secretary of Defense (and ultimately to
Congress) on all SAPs submitted for approval, and a
certification that there are no “SAP-like” programs being
This statement is true in that this is
the way SAP-like programs are supposed to work. However, I have yet
to find that member of Congress who will admit full knowledge of the
Iran-Contra Affair. Also, the National Security Agency (NSA),
Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), and most of the other agencies
that make up the intelligence network have used SAP-like programs to
cover up activities they wished to conceal from Congress.
The Air Force report made no mention of the Air Force’s so-called
“Blue Room,” “Project Moon Dust,” or “Operation Blue Fly.” All of
these missions, in my opinion, would play an important role in any
search for the truth as to what the Roswell object really was. Yet,
when I asked the Air Force office responsible for the Air Force
Report about these missions, the response I received was, “I never
heard of those [Blue Room, Project Moon Dust, and Operation Blue
Senator Barry Goldwater once asked General Curtis LeMay if he could
have a look at what was in the Blue Room located at Wright-Patterson
Air Force Base. General LeMay’s response was,
“Not only can’t you
get into it, but don’t you ever mention it to me again.”
letters from Senator Barry Goldwater admitting that he was, in fact,
denied access to this facility.
The peacetime missions of both Project Moon Dust and Operation Blue
Fly deal with the recovery of, among other things, “objects of
unknown origin.” The Air Force’s response to me, in regard to
Freedom of Information requests for information on these two
missions, was to neither confirm nor deny their existence. This type
of response is indicative of a SAPs-like program.
Yet, according to
the Air Force, the records pertaining to these missions were never
checked for any possible tie-in with the recovery of “objects of
unknown origin.” Furthermore, documents released by agencies such as
the Defense Intelligence Agency and the State Department clearly
indicate that UFO reports were collected from foreign countries
under the codename “Moon Dust.”
I asked for and received the assistance of Senator Jeff Bingaman’s
office in an effort to get the Air Force’s records on Project Moon
Dust and Operation Blue Fly released. The Air Force’s first response
to the Senator’s office was:
“… these missions have never
However, I provided the Senator’s office with some
twenty-three documents clearly showing these “missions” did, in
fact, exist. The next request from the Senator’s office was provided
with a watered-down response in an effort to convince him that these
missions were never used—although they did, at one time, exist.
Once again, the documents released by other agencies clearly
indicate these missions were used and the watered-down statement
provided to the Senator’s office were nothing more than an effort on
the part of the Air Force to conceal this fact.
Of course, the Air Force, realizing that people like myself would
know that it did not check all its records, had this to say:
It is anticipated that detractors
from this effort will complain that ‘they did not search record
group x, box y, or reel z, etc.; that’s where the real records
are!’ Such complaints are unavoidable and there is no possible
way that the millions of records under Air Force control could
be searched page by page. The team endeavored to make logical
searches in those places where records would most likely be
To this charge, all I can say is this:
Had the Air Force been more concerned about being as fully open as
possible when “detractors” such as myself asked them questions about
such things as the Blue Room, Project Moon Dust, Operation Blue Fly,
etc., they would not be caught in this embarrassing dilemma.
Remember, the Air Force has always insisted that there was nothing
classifiable about UFOs.
However, when questioned about UFOs, in
connection with the above-mentioned missions, the Air Force response
“… these missions have never existed”;
“… the information
necessary to respond to your request is properly classified”; or
“… we may neither deny nor confirm the existence or nonexistence
of records responsive to your request.”
Such “complaints” are avoidable in our form of government. It’s
called being open and honest with the American people they are
supposed to be serving—something the Air Force, among other
governmental agencies, has yet to learn.
The Air Force report had this to say about early consideration of
All the records, however, indicated
that the focus of concern was not on aliens, hostile or
otherwise, but on the Soviet Union. Many documents from that
period speak to the possibility of developmental secret Soviet
aircraft overflying U.S. airspace. This, of course, was of major
concern to the fledgling USAF, whose job it was to protect these
But first, where did the Air Force get
the idea that Congressman Schiff was looking for “proof of
Schiff and his staff have made it quite
clear that they were looking for records (documents) as to what the
Roswell object really was—nothing more, nothing less. The one thing
that Congressman Schiff and his staff was not looking for was
evidence of “extraterrestrial spacecraft.” Secondly, the Air Force’s
statement can only be made out of its ignorance of its early history
in dealing with the flying disc phenomenon.
In July or August 1948, the Air Technical Intelligence Center did a
Top Secret study of the flying disc phenomenon. The study was in the
form of an “Estimate of the Situation”—the situation being flying
discs, and the assumption being that they, the flying discs, were
interplanetary. However, the late, General Hoyt S. Vandenberg would
not “buy” the possibility of interplanetary spacecraft, and he
ordered that some highly unusual actions be taken with regard to
General Vandenberg directed that the report be declassified and then
If a report is classified, you may order its destruction
without declassifying it. However, you must complete a documented
record of its destruction. If a document is declassified, then there
exists no reason for its ordered destruction—it would be considered
not to have any national security value.
- So, why did Vandenberg
order this document to first be declassified and then destroyed?
- Could it be that he took this action in order to insure that the
American public would never see or even know of the existence of
If you order a classified document destroyed, there
is a documented record of its existence and destruction. However, if
you order a document to be declassified and then destroyed, no such
I think General Vandenberg’s actions speak for
In conclusion, I believe the Air Force set out in advance to “prove”
that the Roswell object was nothing more than a balloon device.
During their research, the Air Force came across the “evidence” that
was planted fifty years ago as part of an officially sanctioned
deception and disinformation program to conceal the events that
occurred at Roswell, New Mexico, in July 1947; and even then, the
best the Air Force could come up with was that the object was “most
likely” Flight #4 of Project Mogul.
Furthermore, I believe the Air Force at that time was willing to
sacrifice Project Mogul to further conceal the events that had
occurred in Roswell. Remember, after the release of the story that
appeared in the Alamogordo News on July 10, 1947, the security of
Project Mogul had effectively been both breached and compromised.
I believe history will record the following about the so-called
“Roswell Incident”: Whatever was found on that day in July 1947 will
never be fully known. The object will be whatever you wish it to be.
I further believe that no government on the face of this Earth will
ever be honest enough to tell its people the whole truth about UFOs.
Not even the United States Government, as much as I wish they would.
We now know that most world governments have highly classified
records dealing with UFO sightings and that many of these
sightings/incidents cannot be readily explained away, even after
careful analysis. We also know that much of this information is
shared among the many countries involved.
So, one might ask, if this
is truly the case:
Who is the information being kept from— and why?
The Air Force will never be in a position of explaining away many of
the reported UFO sightings/incidents, even with the many advances of
Many incidents of Unidentified Flying Objects still continue to be
reported from around the world, and science has yet to evolve to
that point of perfection that might solve and answer the many
questions the phenomenon invokes.
The greatest mystery of the twentieth century will, in my opinion,
continue to be the greatest mystery of the twenty-first!
of Documents for Chapter 7)
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